This Court could not, in any method, decide or dictate what information the President can be needing in fulfilling the obligation to make sure the devoted execution of legal guidelines on public accountability. This sweeping directive of the ponencia to include all past administrations in the probe tramples upon the prerogative of a co-equal branch of government. Such obstacles however, the claim of breach of the equal safety clause fails to hurdle the higher barrier of benefit. It bears noting at the outset that not certainly one of the petitioners properly raises the problem of equal safety of the legal guidelines. Executive Order No. 1 is hereby declared UNCONSTITUTIONAL insofar as it is violative of the equal safety clause of the Constitution.

  • That is what offers us braveness to face by our actions even in the face of the harshest criticism.
  • First, the President "created" the Truth Commission; the act of creation goes beyond the mere naming, designation or appointment of assistants and consultants.

It can not itself exceed the boundaries of its energy of evaluate underneath the Constitution. Clearly, it might be a waste of time and effort to scour all of sixty six years of the administrations earlier than the last, on the lookout for evidence that might produce conviction. Limiting the Truth Commission’s investigation to the 9 years of the earlier administration provides it the most effective chance of yielding the required proof wanted for successful motion against the offenders. When the government of President Marcos fell in 1986, the new authorities acted swiftly to sequester suspected wealth, impound paperwork believed to constitute proof of wrong-doing, and interview witnesses who could assist prosecute the Marcoses and their cronies. One would suppose that these actions will guarantee successful prosecution of those who committed graft and corruption in that era.

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Indeed, appellant has not introduced any evidence to beat this presumption. The mere allegation that appellant, a Cebuana, was charged with the fee of against the law, whereas a Zamboangueña, the guilty celebration in appellant’s eyes, was not, is insufficient to support a conclusion that the prosecution officers denied appellant equal protection of the laws. There can additionally be frequent sense practicality in sustaining appellant’s prosecution. Power of Control.—The President shall have control of all the manager departments, bureaus, and offices. The Government of the Philippines Islands is an company of the Congress of the United States.

All acts of presidency must come to a halt and all public places of work would wish to justify every plan of action as to reasonableness of phases and prioritization. The step-by-step approach of legislative and regulatory remedies – acknowledged as valid in Quinto v. COMELEC22 and within the case law23 cited by the Decision – in essence says that prioritization is not classification, much less invalid classification. From these cited selections, it’s abundantly clear that the overarching framework in the President’s energy of control enables him to assume immediately the powers of any government department, bureau or workplace. Otherwise stated, no matter powers conferred by regulation upon subordinate officials inside his control are powers additionally vested within the President of the Philippines. In contemplation of legislation, he might directly train the powers of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, the Secretary of National Defense, the Commissioner of Customs, or of any subordinate official in the govt department.

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Unfortunately, no other method exists in constitutional interpretation except to construe the assailed governmental issuances of their very best lights or to replicate these results in a inventive means the place these approaches are at all potential. Even building in the most effective lights or a creative interpretation, nevertheless, cannot be done the place the cited grounds are major, grave and affect the very core of the contested issuance – the scenario we have within the present case. Thus, what the EO patently expresses as a main position for the Commission is negated in precise utility by the title Truth Commission and its truth-telling operate. Expressed when it comes to the boards the EO spawned, the EO’s principal intent to use the Truth Commission as a second discussion board instrument is unmasked; the first forum – the formally sanctioned discussion board for the prosecution of crimes – becomes merely a convenient cowl for the second discussion board. To return to the scenario described above, it’s this situation that can confront the Ombudsman when the Commission’s report is submitted to it.

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The ponencia said that this was also the target of investigative bodies created prior to now like the PCAC, PCAPE, PARGO, the Feliciano Commission, the Melo Commission and the Zenarosa Commission. Hence, the ponencia held that the President’s energy to create investigative our bodies can’t be denied. The President shall have control of all the chief departments, bureaus and workplaces. The President shall have control of all the manager departments, bureau and workplaces http://seniorsdatingtoday.com/senior-online-dating-for-women-over-60/. The discretion of who to prosecute is decided by the prosecution’s sound evaluation whether or not the proof before it can justify an affordable belief that an individual has dedicated an offense. The presumption is that the prosecuting officers frequently performed their duties, and this presumption could be overcome only by proof to the contrary, not by mere hypothesis.

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